Feb. 28 marked the beginning of U.S. military action in Iran and, so far, returns have been bleak. President Donald Trump has given many reasons for intervention, such as humanitarian aid, Iran posing an imminent threat to U.S. national security and the threat of Iran being a nuclear power.
However, these reasons do not completely explain the U.S. intervention and Trump’s motives. Rather, the basis for this war is forced democratization through regime change efforts and leader decapitation in an attempt to give Trump another major international victory against an authoritarian regime.
The United States’ failure at regime change endeavors in an effort to create stable democratic outcomes is not a new phenomenon. Intervention in Somalia in the 1990s has failed to create a state to this day. Intervention in South American states like Chile and Brazil led to rampant authoritarianism in the 70s and 80s. And more recently, the Obama administration pursued leader decapitation in Libya under the pretense of humanitarian aid and democratic stability. But when Libya’s leader Muammar Gaddafi was killed by rebel groups without proper follow-up, the region plunged into violent instability and political turmoil.
If the U.S. continues to pursue regime change in Iran, it will not have enough intracultural understanding of the Iranian people or previous political systems to promote a democratic state or puppet regime.
First off, Trump fully believed that after killing Ali Khamenei, Iran’s government would either fall into chaos or possibly fold to his demands. Rather, the opposite has happened. Iran almost instantly retaliated with strategic missile strikes to neighboring countries and closed the Strait of Hormuz, which threatened economic catastrophe.
They also acted swiftly in replacing Khamenei and seem to have a competent leadership system and government loyalty to the Khamenei. The response of the people to the death of Khamenei also feels insignificant. The war was so heavily framed in the U.S. media and by the Trump administration as one of humanitarian aid. It feels now that the botched Iran nuclear deal and national security play a bigger role in Trump’s rhetoric.
The reason for rushing into Iran without understanding its leadership structure is that Trump was exceedingly overconfident after the capture of Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro. The capture of Maduro was swift, followed by desired outcomes, and was framed so precisely in U.S. media that intervention in Iran seemed trivial to the Trump administration.
In the grander scheme of these missions, Trump is also pursuing these conquests to cement himself and his “America First” movement in the history books. He wants to frame his administration as one that was hard on other countries for disrupting U.S. interests and is willing to move away from any anti-war stance he had in the past to maximize drama and historical value.
Trump needs to get his head out of government downsizing and pursue American interests, not just his. With a strict America First ideology, Trump’s acts rarely make the median voter happy. Regime change in Iran to supplement his own legacy is not only going to unnecessarily harm American troops, but it will also lead to increased turmoil and quell further instability in the Middle East.
Further interventions might happen under these pretenses if we continue to cut programs like USAID and overlook treaties like the Iran Nuclear deal. Trump’s actions are not only at the behest of our government but also at the standard of the liberal world order.
The U.S., as a global superpower, cannot overstate its military power for legend and glory; it must undo disputes and interact with nations based on policy that promotes improvement. If violence is the benchmark for change and prosperity in our foreign policy, we’ve truly moved away from values that are American.
Magnus Moseley is a second-year politics, philosophy and economics major. He can be reached at [email protected]
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